James
in Abingdon New Testament Commentaries
Pages
152 pages
Publisher
Abingdon Press
Published
10/1/1998
ISBN-13
9780687058167
Sleeper's lucid exposition of James restores this often neglected work to its rightful place in the Christian canon. Carefully charting the verbal structures and argument of the letter, he demonstrates that it is a coherent piece of moral teaching intended to encourage the development of Christian character, not just a collection of disparate maxims. As he guides the reader through the letter's basic themes, Sleeper is attentive to its echoes in the Old Testament, Hellenistic Jewish wisdom literature, and sayings of Jesus, as well as to its affinities with other Christian writings. Moreover, he shows that the author's understanding of God and of human nature provides a significant theological foundation for practical wisdom about the Christain moral life.
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This book appears in the following featured collections.
- New Testament Commentaries & Monographs by Princeton Theological Seminary
Reviews
Sleeper's James (ANTC, 1998) is readable and pastorally accessible, but is undermined throughout by a controlling framework — "Christian character formation" — that the letter itself does not support and that the major commentaries reject. The framework imports Hellenistic virtue ethics into a letter whose organizing category is not character but faith: McCartney (BECNT, 2009) demonstrates exhaustively that James uses pistis more than any other theological term and that the letter's central concern is the self-deception of people who believe themselves faithful while their lives belie that claim — a fundamentally different pastoral situation from the one Sleeper assumes. The letter's key diagnostic word, dipsychos ("double-minded," 1:8; 4:8), appears nowhere in extant Greek literature before James and is James's own coinage translating the Hebrew idiom of the "double-hearted" person (Ps. 12:2; 119:113) — a category of divided covenantal loyalty, not deficient virtue, confirming that the letter inhabits a Semitic theological world that Sleeper's Hellenistic framework misidentifies. From this central error flow several subsidiary ones. Sleeper's genre classification is incoherent: he accepts Dibelius's paraenesis label (a loose miscellany of moral maxims with no organizing argument) while importing Johnson's coherence thesis (which requires sustained thematic unity) — two incompatible positions that McCartney resolves by classifying James as protreptic discourse, sustained argumentation aimed at behavioral conversion. His dating (mid-70s to mid-80s CE) rests on circular reasoning: his primary anchor — that "the righteous one" in 5:6 alludes to James after his martyrdom — assumes what it needs to prove, since determining the letter's authorship is precisely the question at issue; Davids (NIGTC, 1982) and Martin (WBC, 1988) both read the phrase as belonging to the passio iusti tradition, the stock OT prophetic portrait of the faithful poor person killed by the wicked powerful, with no allusion to any specific historical individual. Sleeper also borrows Martin's two-stage compositional hypothesis — that an original Jacobean core of teaching (James's actual sermons to the Jerusalem church, 40s–50s CE) was later assembled into letter form by a disciple editor — but ignores its dating implication: if the letter has a Jacobean core, its Palestinian cultural fingerprint (the early and late rains of 5:7, the day-laborer economy of 5:4, the mercantile class of 4:13) reflects James's pre-70 world, not a later Antiochene editor's, which Davids shows argues powerfully for an early date of the source material — evidence Sleeper freely deploys for social description while never following to its chronological conclusion. His reconciliation of James and Paul is presented with unwarranted confidence: he adopts the popular view that James uses dikaioō to mean "demonstrate to be righteous" while Paul means "declare not guilty," but Moo (PNTC, 2d ed. 2021) argues this reading is probably untenable, finding both authors use the verb in the same forensic sense and that the real distinction is between Paul's initial justification (entering relationship with God by faith) and James's final justification (the ultimate divine verdict, which takes works into account); meanwhile Allison (ICC, 2013) demonstrates that five specific Greek expressions in James 2:14–26 — ἐξ ἔργων with δικαιόω, δικαιοῦται ἄνθρωπος, ἐκ πίστεως, χωρὶς ἔργων, and the passive of δικαιόω with instrumental ἐκ — are either Pauline coinages or expressions made distinctive by Paul, absent from pre-Pauline Jewish literature, appearing in James with a density too concentrated to be coincidental; notably, James consistently paraphrases the Jesus tradition when he draws on it, but reproduces these Pauline expressions with far greater verbal fidelity, suggesting deliberate engagement with Paul's specific formulations rather than independent development — none of which Sleeper's dismissive "different issues" resolution addresses. The letter's eschatological urgency — the imminent Judge at the door (5:9), mercy triumphing over judgment (2:13), the reversal of rich and poor (5:1–6), the anticipated eschatological joy (eschatologische Vorfreude, Davids) that alone makes "count it all joy" in 1:2 psychologically coherent — is systematically muted, reducing an apocalyptically urgent letter to a timeless self-improvement guide. The poverty-wealth theme, which Blomberg and Kamell (ZECNT, 2008) show is the central concern of the letter's chiastic structure, is treated as social background; James's declaration in 2:5 that God has chosen the poor to be heirs of the kingdom is a statement about divine election, not sociology, and its theological force is consistently underplayed. The theodicy of 1:13 — the letter's most explicit claim about God's character, refuting the perennial human charge (traceable from Genesis 3 through Proverbs 19:3) that God engineers human misery — is reduced to a passing observation, with no engagement with the linguistic complexity of ἀπείραστος κακῶν or the pastoral urgency behind the denial. Finally, Allison's reception history reveals that no significant commentator across seventeen centuries read James primarily as a program of Hellenistic character formation; if the text had been designed to convey one, its readers would have found it.
The Abingdon New Testament Commentaries series (ANTC) aims to provide “compact, critical commentaries” that assume no knowledge of Greek for theological students and, secondarily, for upper-level college students and church leaders (“Foreword,” by general editor V. P. Furnish, p. 9). C. Freeman Sleeper’s slim volume on James functions well within these strictures, presenting a treatment of the introductory issues and the commentary proper, as well as a select bibliography and index of subjects, all within 152 pages. The twenty-nine-page introduction is organized under five headings: “Literary Issues”; “The Letter in Its Literary Context” (which deals with the thought-world of James through an exploration of its points of contact with the canonical and extracanonical Jewish and Christian literature); “The Letter in Its Social Context” (i.e., intended audience); “Authorship and Dating”; and “Themes in the Letter.” James is presented as a protreptic discourse (i.e., a “general call to a life of virtue”), written in the style of a diatribe and in the form of a letter (16-18). After its epistolary salutation, the text falls into three major sections: introduction (1:2-27), main body (2:1-5:6), and conclusion (5:7-20). Apart from this broad outline, Sleeper finds no “logical progression” in James (20); the letter appears rather to consist of “notes, in random order, on several topics” (19). The text is likened to “a lot of loose beads strung together,” with the various themes presented in the introductory section (Sleeper counts sixteen) picked up and elaborated at random points elsewhere in the letter. The intended audience is described as “Jewish Christians living outside Judea” (cf. 1:1), and perhaps especially in Alexandria, “who were familiar with the Greco-Roman moral tradition” (31-32). The majority of them were poor (see, e.g., 33).
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